Time to overhaul outdated fine system

First Published in Bangkok Post on August 28, 2024. This op-ed was written by Khemmapat Trisadikoon and Chattrika Napatanapong.

If you think our legal system is fair by imposing the same penalty on everyone for the same offence, think again.

Take the system of fines. Imposing the same fines on both the rich and the poor for the same violation hurts the poor while leaving the rich virtually unaffected.

To ensure fairness, this outdated system needs urgent reform.

Why focus on the fine system? Because the law mandates that courts use fines for less serious offences. Therefore, fines are the main penalty used by lower courts across the country, affecting the majority of people.

Between 2018 and 2022, the courts used fines in their verdicts far more often than imprisonment and detention, excluding suspended sentences, according to the Office of the Judiciary.

Thailand’s rigid fine system uses fixed fines for the same offence for everyone. For example, a particular crime may specify a fixed fine between 500 to 15,000 baht. Imagine the difference a street vendor and a millionaire face when ordered to pay a 10,000-baht fine.

This fixed fine system, which specifies the exact amounts for a violation, creates two problems: unfair penalties and outdated fines that cannot keep up with economic changes.

Firstly, unfair penalties. While imposing the same fine on everyone may seem fair, it definitely is not. Disregarding the country’s gross economic disparity, this system does not consider the economic status, income, or financial burden that affects low-income offenders more than the well-off.

Since those with money are not affected by the fines, they may continue to break the law because they are not afraid of the punishment.

Meanwhile, low-income offenders may have to choose imprisonment over paying the fines because they do not have the means to, reflecting disparity and social inequality in Thai society.

The Ministry of Justice and the Office of the Judiciary introduced measures like EM bracelets with bail or instalment payments for fines to address this concern. True, they might help reduce the number of people in jail, but they do not address the problem of disparity and unfair penalties.

Secondly, outdated fines that are out of touch with the present time. Since the fines were set long ago, they have become too low due to inflation over time.

Believe it or not, a study by the Thailand Development Research Institute shows that there are 420 laws that are still enforcing fines set as far back as 1859. One of them is the 1902 Clean Canal Act, which set the fine for littering in canals at just 20 baht.

However, setting the new rate of fines requires new legislation, which can become outdated by the time it is enacted.

To ensure fair and effective fines, Thailand can learn from the initiatives of other countries.

One solution is to eliminate fixed fines and replace them with fines per day that vary with the severity of the offence, the offender’s economic status, and their daily income to calculate appropriate fines.

The formula of the day-fine system is: fine = number of offence units (fine days) x the offender’s net daily income.

For example, running a red light is punishable by a fine of up to 4,000 baht without a jail term. Since it is not a severe offence, the fine may be calculated as five fine days x 1,000 baht net daily income, resulting in a 5,000-baht fine.

Different countries, however, have different systems for calculating variable fines according to their specific contexts.

For example, Germany uses two main factors to calculate daily fines: the number of fine days and the offender’s personal and financial circumstances, including occupation, income, and living conditions. This data, gathered through police investigations, is used to determine the offender’s net daily income.

In Finland, the police and prosecutors initially set fines for offenders. If these fines are not paid, the court decides whether to impose a new fine or a jail term. The penalty is based on the offender’s net daily income and information from their latest tax return, which can be accessed by the court and state authorities.

Meanwhile, several states in the United States have begun using the variable fine system before and after court procedures. For low-income offenders, the unemployed, and other vulnerable groups, the court may consider using the income of their spouses or carers to calculate their net daily income.

Several changes will be necessary for Thailand to adopt variable fines for a fair and effective system.

Most importantly, new legislation is needed to create a variable fine system, requiring other laws to change their penalties accordingly. This new law should also set rules and criteria on how it works.

First, it must determine which offences should be covered by the variable fine system. Our stance is that it should apply to all offences with fine penalties. In the initial stage, it should start with minor offences, traffic violations, and environmental and economic crimes.

Second, it should establish the rules for calculating the number of offence units or fine days. Our stance is that the fine days should be based on the severity of the offence comparable to the jail sentence. For example, if the jail term is more than one year, the number of fine days may be set at 360 days for each year of the verdict. If the verdict for a lesser offence is only one month, then the fine penalty may be calculated as 30 fine days.

Third, the law should establish criteria for using the offender’s economic status in calculating the number of fine days. It should also specify the factors that can reduce fines, such as income level, tax burden, and living expenses. These factors reflect the offender’s real net income and help determine proportional fines.

Apart from drafting the new law to institutionalise the fine-per-day system, the government needs to create implementation guidelines for relevant agencies, such as the police, prosecutors, judges, and officials in political administration, to collaborate on the procedures. Officials from the Revenue Department and social security agencies may also take part in determining the net income of the offenders. These proposals are part of what the government, political entities, and state agencies need to prepare to implement a fair and efficient variable fine system.

By updating the fine system to reflect economic and social realities, Thailand can move one step closer to a more just and equitable legal system. It is time for change.

Personal Data at Risk in Govt Hands

First Published in Bangkok Post on Wednesday, August 31, 2022

Only one month after enforcing the law to protect the Thai people’s personal data security and privacy, the government had a change of heart.

Instead of imposing the PDPA law on all organisations that handle data, the government has helped some government agencies to bypass the Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA) in the name of “national security” and “public service”. As a result, government, national security agencies, the courts, public attorneys, police and tax authorities will be permitted to collect, access, and transfer our data with impunity.

In addition, the government can access citizens’ personal data to fulfil those obligations.

A scary scenario indeed.

The Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA) took effect on June 1 this year after a two-year delay. The long-overdue law sets rules and standards for the private and public sectors to follow on collecting and using personal data to protect privacy and security.

While the business community is busy setting up new security mechanisms to comply with the PDPA’s complex rules and avoid legal punishment, the government has hatched a plan to bypass the PDPA altogether.

On July 5, 2022, the cabinet approved the draft of the royal decree by the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society to exempt government agencies from the PDPA law if the data is to be used for public service, national security protection or the inspection of crimes such as narcotics offences, human trafficking and money laundering.

Following cabinet approval, the royal decree can bypass parliament as an urgent piece of law. The legislation will be effective after it is signed by His Majesty the King.

This royal decree will affect citizens’ rights and freedoms for many reasons.

Firstly, the areas of exemption are too broad. Under the drafted royal decree, the PDPA’s stipulations on data protection rights, petition procedures, financial compensation and the punishment for violators will not apply to those state authorities which are exempted by the royal decree.

In short, the officials will freely enjoy legal immunity from prosecution under data protection laws.

Secondly, the exemptions granted to protect “national security” and allow operations of “public service” are too wide-ranging and unclear. This ambiguity allows officials to interpret “national security” and “public service” as they see fit, making it easy for them to abuse power. Allowing all levels of the judiciary — from police and attorneys to the courts — and tax collectors to freely access and transfer the citizens’ personal data creates similar worries.

Public concern over data safety is valid when trust is already so low and power abuse is so widespread.

The public sector has repeatedly failed to protect the personal data of those it should be serving. Government agencies experienced at least five data breaches last year alone. The hacked data involved users’ health records and other sensitive information.

Apart from data breaches from external violators, the government also faces allegations of breaching public privacy and freedom by using spyware to track and record activists’ and journalists’ mobile phone use. Only governments can buy this spyware to hack people’s cell phones.

The government’s alleged violations have raised questions about state responsibility and accountability. Exempting the state from the PDPA further intensifies public concern about abuse of power and political persecution. It also perpetuates a culture of impunity, which aggravates state violence against the citizens.

The exemption may also affect the economy. The PDPA is an important part of a host of digital economic laws to set standards and regulations on the cross-border transfer of personal data, which is essential for digital economic transactions.

Public trust in a secure cross-border transfer of personal data is crucial for the growth of the digital economy. As a result, most international trade agreements, such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, require members to honour personal data protection. Even China, an economic powerhouse, agreed to pass the law on personal data protection last year.

The core principle of data protection and privacy in international trade is that the data senders’ and receivers’ countries must share similar data protection standards. To safeguard citizens’ rights and freedoms, the General Data Protection Regulation of the European Union, the gold standard on data protection and privacy, prohibits intervention by the government or security agencies.

The government’s attempt to free itself from the PDPA’s legal obligations violates EU standards on data protection. It will backfire economically.

Data transfer to Thailand will become problematic from failure to meet international standards. The local businesses will be hit hard. The private sector will therefore miss the opportunities to grow in the era of the digital economy.

The government must realise the risks of allowing officials to tamper with people’s privacy and threaten people’s safety. The economic loss will be huge. So will the impact on the citizens’ rights and freedoms.

This royal decree effort violates citizens’ rights enshrined in the constitution. It protects the officialdom, not the people. It perpetuates state oppression and a culture of impunity. It risks seeing Thailand slide into becoming a pariah state. It must be stopped before it is too late.